By Nehemia Levtzion
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Extra resources for Ancient Ghana and Mali
125 One chronicle tells of 120 McCaskie, Asante Identities, p. 55. 121 Wilks, Forests of Gold, p. 56. 122 Konrad, Ewe Comic Heroes, p. 19. 123 McCaskie, State and Society in Pre-Colonial Asante, pp. 88–9. 124 Kwasi Wiredu, Cultural Universals and Particulars, pp. 65, 158. 125 See McCaskie, State and Society in Pre-Colonial Asante, pp. 68–73. On oral history as moral discourse, see Elizabeth Tonkin, Narrating Our Pasts: The Social Construction of Oral History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), esp.
20, 24–5; also see Victor Azarya, Dominance and Change in North Cameroon: The Fulbe Aristocracy (Beverly Hills: Sage, 1976). 78 Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch and Mahmood Mamdani suggest that the small-scale polities elaborated institutional constraints upon material and cognitive violence that the conquest-states dissolved, and that the colonial state built upon the conqueststates’ work. ”79 She points out that the village council “was not a democratic organ but, rather, a gerontocracy, and the village chief was not simply a coordinator but the most influential member of the dominant lineage,” that the village was tied to the outside world by trade and political bonds (tribute), and that the relative autonomy of the village was predicated upon African sovereigns exploit[ing] neighboring peoples, not [their] own subjects.
Nganamba can die because Gassire can at last assume the attributes of a man, his rage melting into tears. ” The story situates the colonial present of oral performance in an extended moment of guilty loss, in the context of anticipating Wagadu’s fifth return (perhaps the “new” Ghana of a postcolonial Africa). ” The imagery of ethical-ontological completion recalls the messianic strain in the desert monotheisms, while the association of Wagadu with a powerful and just (powerful because just) community recalls the Islamic umma.